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In part because of this reality, the smaller state's perceptions and policies toward the two powers have been characterized by enduring ambivalence Kuik, b , as observable from the weaker state's mixed feelings about both America and China, seeing them both as a source of attraction and apprehension. In the case of the former, the Malay Lilliputian has long viewed the American Gulliver as a key partner for its economic well-being and security, but also as a source of political pressure and irritation.

This was so especially under the country's fourth Prime Minister Mahathir, who governed the country from to Although Malaysia has never been a formal U. It was during the Mahathir years that the Malaysia-U. In , the two countries signed the Bilateral Training and Consultative Group agreement. Both agreements were signed under Mahathir's watch Mak, ;Wain, Politically, however, Mahathir saw the U. Bilateral political ties sank to a low point in the late s. Political tensions emerged over Mahathir's currency control policy during the Asian financial crisis as well as his treatment of his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim who was relieved and arrested in and later imprisoned for alleged corruption and sodomy.

However, the post-Mahathir era witnessed an improvement in bilateral relations. Under Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Mahathir's immediate successor, Putrajaya's ties with Washington made progress on multiple fronts. Substance-wise, he has made a more concerted effort than all his predecessors to cultivate a stronger partnership with the global superpower, with marked progress in all key domains.

President Barack Obama's visit to Malaysia in April the first by a sitting American president since President Lyndon Johnson's visit in October was a testimony to this transformed relationship. During Obama's visit, the two sides upgraded their relationship to a "Comprehensive Partnership.

In late , when the United States expressed concern over Putrajaya's use of the colonial-era Sedition Act to clamp down on dissent and stifle the opposition, leaders of the ruling Barisan Nasional BN hit out at Washington for trying to "interfere" with Malaysia's domestic affairs Sipalan, In February , after the Malaysian Federal Court announced its decision to convict and sentence Anwar for sodomy, the U.

These political issues notwithstanding, the two countries have made steady progress on other policy domains, ranging from defense and security, to counter terrorism and maritime security, and to trade, education, science and technology. The United States has remained one of the largest foreign investors in Malaysia.

The leaders of the two countries have enjoyed a remarkably high level of cordiality, as vividly depicted by Najib's golf outing with Obama in Hawaii in December Comparatively, Malaysia's relations with China are even more complex. Bilateral ties have been shaped not only by vast power asymmetry similar to that of Malaysia-U. Malaysia's relations with China have gone through an even bigger transformation, from mutual hostility during the Cold War to close and cordial partnership in the post-Cold War era Abdul Razak, ;Liow, As a weaker state, Malaysia has-throughout the post-Cold War decadesadopted a pragmatic and seemingly contradictory posture toward China Kuik, a.

On the one hand, it has actively engaged Beijing at both bilateral and regional levels, with the goal of using the increasingly close and cordial partnership to cash in commercial and diplomatic benefits from China's growing economic and regional influence. On the other hand, Malaysia has sought to hedge against the uncertainty surrounding the rise of China, by working with fellow ASEAN members to cultivate a stable balance of power in the region through the ASEAN-led institutions, while simultaneously maintaining-but not overplaying-its traditional military ties with the United States and other Western powers.

Despite their overlapping claims in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, Malaysian leaders from Mahathir onward have repeatedly declared that Putrajaya does not see Beijing as a threat, but as an opportunity. Mahathir famously described the notion of a "China threat" as nothing more than a selffulfilling prophecy.

He said: "Why should we fear China? If you identify a country as your future enemy, it becomes your present enemy-because then they will identify you as an enemy and there will be tension" Asiaweek, Malaysia is one of the few regional countries that have recorded a trade surplus with China in recent years. Beyond economy, the two countries have also collaborated on a range of regional and international issues, most notably the promotion of East Asian cooperation.

The growing convergence in economic and foreign policy domains between Malaysia and China have laid foundation for a progressively closer and productive bilateral relationship. In October , during Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Malaysia, the two countries agreed to elevate bilateral ties to a "comprehensive strategic partnership.

A few months later, however, the relationship was severely tested by two unprecedented events. The first was the reappearance of Chinese military vessels in Beting Serupai James Shoal, 60 nautical miles from the Malaysian town of Bintulu in January , after their first occurrence in March The second was the mysterious disappearance in March of Malaysia Airlines flight MH, two-thirds of whose passengers were Chinese citizens.

The furious reaction in the Chinese media and cyberspace as well as the pressure from the Chinese government caught many Malaysians by surprise. As emotions ran high in China with netizens posting angry comments against Malaysia, certain groups taking to the streets, and some even calling for a boycott of all things Malaysian, many in Malaysia felt rattled.

The backlash came at a time when the two countries were celebrating the 40th anniversary of their diplomatic ties. Although the troubled relations appear to have recovered from a low point after Najib's visit to China from May 27 to June 1, , Malaysia's concern about the downside of living with an increasingly powerful neighbor has deepened Kuik, In June , a cabinet minister reportedly said in an interview that Malaysia would protest the intrusion of a Chinese Coast Guard ship into Beting Patinggi Ali Luconia Shoals , 84 nautical miles northwest of the Malaysian oil-rich town of Miri.

This concern, however, does not seem to stop Malaysia from continuing to develop closer ties with China economically, diplomatically, and even militarily, as discussed below. Malaysia's Evolving Defense Ties With the United States and ChinaAny effort to explain Malaysia's evolving security ties with America and China under Najib Razak amid the enduring ambivalence must trace the structural and domestic conditions underpinning the country's interactions with the two powers since When Najib replaced Abdullah as prime minister in April , Malaysia was confronted with a different domestic and external environment.

Internally, the March general elections severely weakened the ruling BN coalition, when it lost its two-thirds majority control of Parliament, and five of 13 states to the opposition coalition. This took place when Malaysia was struggling to cope with economic difficulties in the wake of the global financial crisis.

The political and economic challenges combined to make performance legitimacy an even more salient pathway of political authority for the United Malay National Organization-led BN coalition. The May general elections, which saw BN returning to power with a reduced majority in the Parliament and losing the popular vote, further deepened this trend. Structurally, the post environment has witnessed a number of changes.

Chief among these are China's rapidly expanding geoeconomic and geopolitical influence, its more assertive behavior over maritime disputes, as well as the Obama administration's "pivot" and "rebalancing" to Asia strategy, as noted. The United States' emerging strategy signals Washington's greater resolve to push back Beijing's growing regional clout by revitalizing its alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region, by enhancing its involvement in ASEANled forums and other regional multilateral platforms, and by promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership TPP as a high-standard, 21st century trade agreement.

These structural changes-along with Japan's and India's respective enhanced activism toward ASEAN and toward each other-have engendered a growing power competition, thereby presenting both opportunities and challenges to regional countries, Malaysia included. The impacts of these structural and domestic changes are threefold. First, they have further reinforced the ambivalent nature of Malaysia's perceptions of and relations with each of the two major powers.

While Malaysia is increasingly looking upon America as a vital source of security support, it has remained vigilant about the potential political challenges from Washington on issues the UMNO elites regard as internal affairs. At the same time, while Malaysia is increasingly viewing China as an indispensable source of prosperity and future growth, it has also become more concerned about the longer-term risks from an increasingly powerful Beijing.

This has deepened a less-than-clear-cut perception of risks and benefits: each power is increasingly seen as a source of pivotal support on one domain, but a source of concern on the other. Second, such a deepening, parallel ambivalence, which has been heightened by the growing uncertainty about the future power relations and power structure, have prompted Malaysia to deepen its hedging approach of not taking sides and instead adopting counteracting measures to keep its options open, not least to avoid the scenario of all-bets-are-off.

Third, amid growing uncertainty, Malaysia has developed defense links with both America and China as an essential means for hedging purpose, but with different functions. That is, whereas the long-established Malaysia-U. The move is not only driven by the security need of indirect-balancing, but it is also motivated by domestic economic and political calculations. Besides aiming to maximize trade and investment gains from America, Putrajaya has also hoped to capitalize on the increasingly warm bilateral ties as leverage to reduce Washington's support for the Anwar-led opposition and civil society movements, which have posed a growing challenge to BN after the general elections in March and May These structural and domestic factors have coalesced to push the Najib government to embrace a friendlier posture toward the United States Kuik, b.

Accordingly, Malaysia has taken steps to improve its political relations with Washington, enhance trade and investment links efforts include the decision to enter into the TPP negotiation, which was concluded in October , and strengthen their long-standing military cooperation. Under Najib, there have been more Malaysian security personnel taking part in military programs in America, more U.

In the political and diplomatic domain, Putrajaya has selectively collaborated with the United States on issues that the Obama administration is most concerned about and those with little domestic political cost to the prime minister. These issues range from Iran, North Korea, and Iraq, to nuclear nonproliferation and human trafficking. By cooperating with the Americans on these issues, Putrajaya seeks to showcase its value while giving some measure of deference to the superpower to enhance Malaysia-U.

These are all acts of limitedbandwagoning. In line with Najib's determination to forge closer bilateral ties with the United States, the successive defense ministers Ahmad Zahid Hamidi April May and Hishammuddin Hussein May present have both taken steps to further strengthen Malaysia's defense and security ties with America. Prior to that, Malaysia had insisted that there was "no immediate need" to be an active participant.

In January , the then defense minister Najib said that Malaysia's membership in the Five-Power Defence Arrangements "is sufficient to meet our defense needs and strategy in the region" New Straits Times, In June , however, defense minister Zahid Hamidi announced that the U. In February , Malaysia took part in the exercise for the first time as a full participant. The decision was driven by a desire to strengthen Malaysia's relations with America and raise Malaysia's international prestige, while scoring domestic political mileage by highlighting its active role in helping out a fellow Muslim country.

The agreement, which was first signed in under Mahathir and renewed for another 10 years in under Abdullah, provides a framework for the two defense partners to exchange mutual logistic support on supplies, equipment, and transportation during training and exercises. The two countries also had regular high-level military interaction and dialogue at both bilateral and multilateral contexts. Malaysia has also worked with the United States to expand the U.

According to Jane's Defence Weekly, Malaysia is interested in both upgrading the existing radars and obtaining additional radars with different capabilities to provide adequate coverage of Malaysian airspace. Coastal surveillance, of course, is not the only area in which Malaysia hopes to benefit from its strong defense relations with the United States.

At a joint news conference in Kuala Lumpur in , Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel reaffirmed that the United States "is committed to continuing to assist Malaysia's military as it increases its capabilities in areas like humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, peacekeeping, maritime security, and counterterrorism" U.

Department of Defense, a, b. The secretary also stated that he and Minister Hishammuddin had discussed "future areas of cooperation" between the two countries. The specific areas identified were expanding defense trade, technology collaboration, and information sharing U. Hishammuddin's announcement on October 10, that Malaysia plans to set up a marine corps and build a new naval base at Bintulu in the South China Sea is expected to create additional opportunities for Malaysia-U.

Malaysia-China Ties: Drivers and Direction of Defense CooperationIn the case of Malaysia-China relations, Najib-a son of Tun Abdul Razak, Malaysia's second prime minister who established diplomatic relations with China in has pursued a policy that is marked by increased pragmatism in all key domains. This is evidenced by Putrajaya's greater readiness to collaborate with Beijing in the economic, transnational security, and even defense domains, despite Malaysian defense planners' growing concerns over China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea.

This pragmatism is chiefly rooted in the BN elites' desire to further enhance overall bilateral ties and, accordingly, to further maximize commercial and diplomatic benefits from China. This is not purely an economic or foreign policy matter, but is also an issue of crucial political significance for Najib.

To regain political ground for BN, Najib has adopted measures aimed at enhancing his government's performance in ensuring and delivering economic growth, alongside other pathways of legitimation. BN's weakened position after the cliffhanger May elections has further increased the salience of performance legitimation for Najib. In this light, maximizing economic benefits from China and other major markets is deemed a crucial domestic political matter. China has emerged as Malaysia's largest trading partner since as noted.

Under Najib, Malaysia has not only sought to strengthen the already robust bilateral trade, but it has also taken steps to enhance bilateral investment and financial cooperation. These include: creating industrial parks in Qinzhou and Kuantan, setting up a Bank Negara Malaysia the central bank representative office in Beijing, creating a yuan clearing bank in Kuala Lumpur, as well as establishing a bilateral currency swap deal for RM90 billion in and renewing the arrangement for a further term of three years first in and then in April Although China's current outbound direct investment ODI into Malaysia remains low, Malaysia clearly is eyeing the longer-term investment benefits that could help fuel the country's future economic growth.

Malaysia is also keen to boost Chinese tourist arrivals New Straits Times, In June , the Malaysian cabinet decided to grant a visa waiver for Chinese tour groups to compete with other neighboring countries in attracting more Chinese travelers to Malaysia. The BN elites' economic cum domestic political motivations, however, are not the only drivers of Malaysia's move to develop cooperative and comprehensive ties with China.

There are geopolitical and strategic considerations at work as well. As a weaker state, Malaysia's perceptions and policies toward China have always been shaped by long-term geopolitical considerations. The twin realities of geographical proximity and power asymmetry-compounded by the elites' historical memory of Malacca-China interaction and the Malaysia-China Cold War hostility-have a deep impact on the elites' belief that China could be both a boon and a bane to Malaysia's external interests Kuik, a.

It is for this combination of economic, political, and geostrategic considerations that Malaysia's China policy has been characterized not only by economic pragmatism, but also by binding-engagement and limited-bandwagoning. Indeed, Malaysia has since the early s exhibited a noticeable readiness to recognize, accommodate, and whenever possible, capitalize and cash in on China's growing power, but without sacrificing its own fundamental interests.

For instance, Malaysia has demonstrated a tendency to defer to China, primarily on issues Beijing regards as its "core interests," such as Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong recent examples include Putrajaya's deportation of ethnic Uighurs to China and its decision to bar two Hong Kong pro-democracy activists from entering Malaysia.

In addition, Malaysia has also collaborated with China on selective issues that serve its own foreign policy interests. These dual acts of selective deference and selective policy collaboration-the defining elements of limited-bandwagoning-indicate that Malaysian elites have increasingly come to view the rise of China as a long-term geoeconomic and geopolitical force that Malaysia must adapt to and benefit from.

China's growing influence after the global financial crisis seems to have reinforced such a view. As enunciated by a former Malaysian envoy, Putrajaya wants to develop a strong relationship with Beijing so as to "invest in the emerging China," because the rising power is playing an increasingly vital role in regional and global affairs personal communication with a former Malaysian envoy, Kuala Lumpur, August 12, Its leaders have openly expressed support for Beijing's "belt and road" initiative.

As observers note: "There are few other countries in Asia with which China enjoys such warm and comprehensive ties. Accordingly, Malaysia under Najib has expanded bilateral cooperation with China in virtually all sectors. These include the security and defense realm, which has long been the least developed aspect of the bilateral ties. Bilateral military links began only in , when the two governments established defense attach e offices in each other's capital cities.

Progress, however, has been slow and limited, even after the signing of the bilateral memorandum of understanding in defense cooperation in Since Najib assumed the premiership in April , more high-level contacts and military exchanges have taken place between the two countries.

In November , during Chinese President Hu Jintao's two-day visit to Malaysia to mark the 35th anniversary of Malaysia-China diplomatic ties, Najib and Hu pledged to jointly advance the "strategic and cooperative relations" between the two countries. Both countries agreed to forge closer ties to fight cross-border crimes. In September , in a move to institutionalize the bilateral military ties, the defense ministries of the two countries held the first Malaysia-China defense and security consultation in Kuala Lumpur.

At the dialogue, China proposed six key points to develop the bilateral defense relations. These included: making use of the defense and security consultation mechanism, stepping up maritime cooperation and other nontraditional security cooperation, and deepening cooperation in defense industry and equipment technology personal communication with a Malaysian official, Kuala Lumpur, December 14, Developing Malaysia's defense industry is clearly one of the reasons behind Malaysia's move to develop its defense ties with China.

During Chinese President Xi's visit to Malaysia in October , he remarked that both countries "have agreed to strengthen our partnership with naval defense, joint military exercises to combat terrorism and promote security" Malay Mail, Najib reportedly said that Malaysia "is ready to maintain communications with China at all levels," and is "ready to deepen cooperation with China in military, technology, law enforcement, education, tourism and culture and increase people-to-people exchanges" Xinhuanet, A few weeks after Xi's visit, defense minister Hishammuddin made a three-day working visit to China in late October He held talks with his Chinese counterpart General Chang Wanquan.

Both sides agreed to forge "a more comprehensive strategic cooperation" by holding joint exercises, fostering exchange of military personnel, establishing cooperation in the defense industry, and fighting terrorism and transnational crime Bernama, ;New Straits Times, Jane's Defence Weekly observed that the two countries' collaboration on defense industry is likely to be based on Malaysian procurement of Chinese materials, possibly missiles, and that Malaysia retains interest "in procuring other Chinese-designed missile systems that it wants to produce locally" Grevatt, One of the trends in Malaysia-China security links has been their growing cooperation not only on military defense, but also on nontraditional security issues.

In October , Hishammuddin and the visiting Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi declared that both countries "need to beef up their military cooperation and defense industries," as well as "work together to fight militancy in all forms" Straits Times, In November , in a move that underlined Malaysia's limited-bandwagoning tendency, Hishammuddin attended the Xiangshan Forum, a biennial now annual security forum hosted by China since to compete with the Western-backed Shangri-La Dialogue.

Malaysia-China defense links have gone beyond the bilateral level. The two countries, for instance, co-chaired the third ASEAN Regional Forum Disaster Relief Exercise, held in northern Peninsular Malaysia in May , which involved more than 2, participants from 27 countries in and out of the region. The above progress, paradoxically, has been taking place at a time when Malaysia is becoming more alarmed by China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea.

Such a paradox may well reflect the weaker state's realization that, in view of power asymmetry, protecting its maritime interests requires it to pragmatically adapt, adjust, and move closer to-rather than reject, ignore, and keep away from-China's growing power projection and strategic outreach, so long as such adaptation is pursued in conjunction with some dominance-denial and indirect-balancing measures.

Hence, Malaysia has sought to cultivate a stable balance of power via the ASEAN-led institutions to prevent the emergence of any predominant hegemon, while diversifying its defense links with various players and deepening its military ties with the United States as fallback options.

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Developing and rehearsing your distributed ways of working and communicating using a tool like Slack will help with this if you keep the channel updated on what is going on. If you have moved your incident response to a conference call you should look to summarise it for the people who are not on the call, in the relevant Slack channel, at regular intervals.

While in an emergency incident, courtesy can often take a back seat to resolving the issue and restoring service, this is a matter of priorities and will differ from normal BAU situations. Instructions, objectives and feedback should be delivered in a clear and specific manner, small talk and niceties are kept to a minimum.

Can you drop off the call, take a look and get back to me at ? An IC is on a constant running battle between triaging the problem, tasking resources, communicating with customers and stakeholders and considering contingency plans. Note: Identify who you are talking to at the start of your sentence to get their attention, and use pauses wisely to allow people to digest what you are communicating. Incident has been open for 30 minutes situation as I understand it is that we have narrowed down the problem to the DC firewall blocking access to the International office.

They are currently working to fail over the cluster to resolve this within the next 10 minutes. While we are waiting, lets discuss our next most likely root cause candidate and what our plan B will be. When your team have come up with plan A and are focusing on that you need to be thinking about plan B and C, getting resource lined up to support them and switching assets to support a secondary or tertiary plan when appropriate in a timely manner.

Do not be afraid to adapt or change your plans where it is justified to do so. Where possible have multiple teams working on different plans rather than having a single team context switching to come up with multiple plans. An IC is responsible for driving the resolution of an incident, as such they can ask for whatever resources they require in order to achieve this objective of restoring service.

Bear in mind tomorrow is back to BAU! Your first attempt at incident command will to borrow a metaphor from R4 most likely have all the co-ordination, control and precision of a pigeon trapped in a bottle bank. Your second one will be better, and every time subsequently will be incrementally better as you apply the lessons you have learned. People who have been doing this for years will always walk away from an incident with things they may do differently next time. Practice with regular fire drills, we aim to run cross-tribe ones weekly for an hour.

Involve different teams in rehearsing realistic scenarios and allow your operations teams to build up their working relationships across the company. Following them have a wash-up session, as you would with a live incident, and include as many people as possible to get a diverse set of opinions on how your response could be improved and bring in fresh perspectives.

Have you ever had a seemingly innocuous change to one system affect another in a catastrophic way? If yes, you might notice a few familiar themes in this write-up. Oliver Leaver-Smith. Bolster your current wildfire fireground communications with incident command systems and tools from American At American Trade Mark, we manufacture and distribute custom products and accessories to compliment Ensuring effective fireground communications for both firefighters and incident command with strategic planning and Improve fireground communication and firefighter safety with fire department communication tips for bad weather Track departments and communicate more efficiently with tools for coordinating emergency response from American Limit chemical exposure hazards in your firefighters with accountability tags from American Trade Mark As a nationwide provider of firefighter accountability and incident command equipment, American Trade Mark At American Trademark we've put together some high-stress fireground communication tips for when your The most important job of the Incident Commander is firefighter scene safety.

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Betting serupai incident commander In addition, more studies-especially comparative ones-should enquire when and buy bitcoins with debit card instantly similarly situated smaller states have often chosen to hedge dissimilarly, and how their distinct betting serupai incident commander of returnsmaximizing and risk-contingency options are a function of their respective elites' attempts to find a balance across multiple politically acceptable tradeoffs entailed in various policy options. After all, he has been eyeballing all his neighbours, with a lot appetite, zest and glee. The ruling elites do not want to alienate Malaysia's Muslim majority voters, many of whom have been critical of U. That is, whereas the long-established Malaysia-U. The third section illuminates how the weaker state's insistence of keeping equidistance while pursuing deliberately contradictory actions toward the two competing powers are fundamentally driven by a desire to hedge against not any single actor but a broader range of risks under uncertainty. Thus, Malaysia had no choice but to foster closer military co-operation with the United States since China does not seem to be respecting international diplomacy.
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Betting serupai incident commander Those Khalwat guys would surely have a betting serupai incident commander time sneaking on couples of even the same sexes, fornicating away box betting football squares public parks. As a weaker state, Malaysia's perceptions and policies toward China have always been shaped by long-term geopolitical considerations. These dual acts of selective deference and selective policy collaboration-the defining elements of limited-bandwagoning-indicate that Malaysian elites have increasingly come to view the rise of China as a long-term geoeconomic and geopolitical force that Malaysia must adapt to and benefit from. In circumstances where they are not compelled to lean on any particular side, smaller states would attempt to avoid keeping too close or too distant a relationship with any of the big powers. If they decide to bandwagon with one of the camps, they will risk alienating the opposing power. Chin Peng refused to renounce communism and his bloody evil intention even until his ashes changed colour in Thailand.
Aiding and abetting civil california In Novemberin a move that underlined Malaysia's limited-bandwagoning tendency, Hishammuddin attended the Xiangshan Forum, a biennial now annual security forum hosted by Betting world darts federation since to compete with the Western-backed Shangri-La Dialogue. Published on Betting serupai incident commander 7, Since Najib assumed the premiership in Aprilmore high-level contacts and military exchanges have taken place between the two countries. At least he should know about choosing his words. Leave a Reply Cancel reply Enter your comment here These concerns, in combination, determine that Malaysia will continue to reject pure-balancing and pure-bandwagoning, so long as the structural condition i. Thank you letter offer of employment Onondaga types of writing styles cursive letters Amsterdam Avenue zip xi obama cnn reporter End Avenue, East zipbest presentation tool for teachers W st Street zip hollywood reporter interstellar full interview with amanda E th Street zip
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Bettinger company in king of prussia pa On March 4, at hizan said:. That is, whereas betting serupai incident commander long-established Malaysia-U. On the other betting odds explained doubles, staying too far away from a giant may cost the state elites the opportunity of winning substantial benefits that can be used to boost their domestic political standing. Coastal surveillance, of course, is not the only area in which Malaysia hopes to benefit from its strong defense relations with the United States. The political and economic challenges combined to make performance legitimacy an even more salient pathway of political authority for the United Malay National Organization-led BN coalition. China has emerged as Malaysia's largest trading partner since as noted.

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Incident has been open for 30 minutes situation as I understand it is that we have narrowed down the problem to the DC firewall blocking access to the International office. They are currently working to fail over the cluster to resolve this within the next 10 minutes.

While we are waiting, lets discuss our next most likely root cause candidate and what our plan B will be. When your team have come up with plan A and are focusing on that you need to be thinking about plan B and C, getting resource lined up to support them and switching assets to support a secondary or tertiary plan when appropriate in a timely manner. Do not be afraid to adapt or change your plans where it is justified to do so.

Where possible have multiple teams working on different plans rather than having a single team context switching to come up with multiple plans. An IC is responsible for driving the resolution of an incident, as such they can ask for whatever resources they require in order to achieve this objective of restoring service.

Bear in mind tomorrow is back to BAU! Your first attempt at incident command will to borrow a metaphor from R4 most likely have all the co-ordination, control and precision of a pigeon trapped in a bottle bank.

Your second one will be better, and every time subsequently will be incrementally better as you apply the lessons you have learned. People who have been doing this for years will always walk away from an incident with things they may do differently next time. Practice with regular fire drills, we aim to run cross-tribe ones weekly for an hour.

Involve different teams in rehearsing realistic scenarios and allow your operations teams to build up their working relationships across the company. Following them have a wash-up session, as you would with a live incident, and include as many people as possible to get a diverse set of opinions on how your response could be improved and bring in fresh perspectives.

Have you ever had a seemingly innocuous change to one system affect another in a catastrophic way? If yes, you might notice a few familiar themes in this write-up. Oliver Leaver-Smith. Utility companies have customers. And just like us, those customers expect a ubiquitous, always-on service provision.

Are there therefore any lessons we can learn from an old, established industry like a utility company on how to handle outages? Dan Adams. The first responder is the first incident commander The first person on the scene is by default in control of the incident, until more help arrives or they can safely hand it off to someone else.

Often the fastest way to get the relevant single point of contact for each team is request that they dial into a conference call, people tend to be more reluctant to shout over the IC or others on a call Keep a log Whether on paper or on a computer. Clear, concise communication While in an emergency incident, courtesy can often take a back seat to resolving the issue and restoring service, this is a matter of priorities and will differ from normal BAU situations.

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While the growing hedging literature has better captured the range and nuances of weaker actors' external policy than the false dichotomy of the "balancing versus bandwagoning" debate Kuik, , pp. One problem is that hedging is often employed, either explicitly or implicitly, as a strategy against a big power, usually China.

Indeed, defense partnerships-in varying degrees and forms-are key barometers of states' hedging behavior. That is, while the degree of military cooperation indicates the extent to which a state chooses to hedge, its preferred and negotiated forms often reflects the raison d'etre, functions, and targets of a hedging act.

The evolving manifestations and directions of Malaysia's defense ties with the United States and China, discussed below, provide parameters to ponder its ruling elites' policy deliberations vis-a-vis these powers. Malaysia's defense relations with the United States, accordingly, must be discussed within the broader context of the weaker state's overall strategic positioning vis-a-vis the major powers.

This contextualization is necessary because while Malaysia-U. The link is far from single directional: Putrajaya's concern about Beijing is not only a factor driving Malaysia like many other weaker states to adjust its strategic posture by forging a stronger military partnership with America, but it is also one of the factors limiting the extent of the evolving Malaysia-U.

Indeed, the paradox of Malaysia's current strategic adjustment is that, while the weaker state has moved to expand its long-standing military partnership with America, it has also developed and slowly institutionalized Malaysia-China defense cooperation despite its growing anxiety about Beijing's more assertive maritime actions, especially since These seemingly opposite acts are the defining attribute of the weaker state's hedging behavior.

Here lies the most puzzling aspect of Malaysia's case in the regional context: why would a weaker regional state agree to develop military ties with a potential security adversary? It is true that the level of Malaysia-China military interactions still pale in comparison with that of Malaysia's defense ties with America and its other traditional security partners such as Australia.

However, the increased engagement between Malaysia and China in the security and defense domain-traditionally the weakest link in the bilateral ties-may well reflect the smaller state's gradual but growing readiness to develop a more comprehensive and long-term partnership with Beijing. Considering the timing of Malaysia's enhanced security cooperation with China, which coincides with the timing of its increasing concern over Beijing's continuing assertiveness, one might suggest that the weaker state's growing readiness may well signifyhowever counter intuitive it may sound-Malaysian elites' pragmatic judgment: that is, in order to mitigate the China challenge under the condition of power asymmetry and geographical proximity, a necessary approach although by no means a principal or sufficient measure is to develop closer military cooperation and a more comprehensive partnership with the proximate giant, rather than to counter balance it militarily.

Central to this pragmatic approach is a simultaneous effort to deepen and expand the already strong Malaysia-U. The effort seeks to upgrade the partnership in all possible ways that help to augment Malaysia's position vis-a-vis all forms of security risks including but not limited to China ; but at the same time cautiously limit it in all necessary manners to ensure that its revitalized defense partnership with Washington will not harm its robust economic ties with Beijing, will not erode its ruling elites' domestic authority, and will not hurt its long-term geopolitical interests at a time when the direction of the changing power dynamics in Asia is still unclear and uncertain.

The ArgumentThe basic premise of this article that Malaysia's deepening defense partnership with the United States is not a "balancing" strategy; rather, it should be seen as part of a broader alignment posture that is best described as "hedging. On the basis of this conceptualization, I argue that Malaysia's seemingly contradictory approach-and for that matter, that of other regional countries-is not only aimed at hedging against the potential security threat of China's maritime assertiveness, but also against other larger strategic and political risksnamely, the danger of big power conflict and entrapment, the shadow of abandonment, the fear of alienation, as well as the associated domestic concerns of authority erosion.

Each of these risks originates from the uncertainty in power structure at different levels. Put differently, weaker states like Malaysia do not hedge against any specific power per se, but against the general uncertainties embedded in big powers' actions and inter power relations at the systemic level, in ways that allow ruling elites to optimize multiple crucial interests needed for their ultimate goal of legitimizing and enhancing their political power at home. It is along these twolevel dynamics that one can better understand the raison d'etre, prospects, and limits of the evolving Malaysia-U.

The article proceeds in three parts. The first section offers an overview of the evolution of Malaysia's bilateral relations with the United States and China. The second section explains how and why Malaysia's hedging behavior-as marked by its seemingly opposite defense links with America and China under the current Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak-is a function of both structural and domestic factors.

The third section illuminates how the weaker state's insistence of keeping equidistance while pursuing deliberately contradictory actions toward the two competing powers are fundamentally driven by a desire to hedge against not any single actor but a broader range of risks under uncertainty. A concluding segment sums up the key findings by discussing the theoretical implications for the study of non-big power alignment behavior. Malaysia's Relations With the United States and China: An OverviewRelations with the United States and China are among the most vital facets of Malaysia's external policy part of this and the next sections are elaborated upon in Kuik, a.

Both sets of bilateral relations are, fundamentally, asymmetric power relations Gould, ;Sodhy, , where the stronger powers could help and harm the weaker state much more than any other actors. In part because of this reality, the smaller state's perceptions and policies toward the two powers have been characterized by enduring ambivalence Kuik, b , as observable from the weaker state's mixed feelings about both America and China, seeing them both as a source of attraction and apprehension.

In the case of the former, the Malay Lilliputian has long viewed the American Gulliver as a key partner for its economic well-being and security, but also as a source of political pressure and irritation. This was so especially under the country's fourth Prime Minister Mahathir, who governed the country from to Although Malaysia has never been a formal U. It was during the Mahathir years that the Malaysia-U. In , the two countries signed the Bilateral Training and Consultative Group agreement.

Both agreements were signed under Mahathir's watch Mak, ;Wain, Politically, however, Mahathir saw the U. Bilateral political ties sank to a low point in the late s. Political tensions emerged over Mahathir's currency control policy during the Asian financial crisis as well as his treatment of his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim who was relieved and arrested in and later imprisoned for alleged corruption and sodomy.

However, the post-Mahathir era witnessed an improvement in bilateral relations. Under Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Mahathir's immediate successor, Putrajaya's ties with Washington made progress on multiple fronts. Substance-wise, he has made a more concerted effort than all his predecessors to cultivate a stronger partnership with the global superpower, with marked progress in all key domains.

President Barack Obama's visit to Malaysia in April the first by a sitting American president since President Lyndon Johnson's visit in October was a testimony to this transformed relationship. During Obama's visit, the two sides upgraded their relationship to a "Comprehensive Partnership. In late , when the United States expressed concern over Putrajaya's use of the colonial-era Sedition Act to clamp down on dissent and stifle the opposition, leaders of the ruling Barisan Nasional BN hit out at Washington for trying to "interfere" with Malaysia's domestic affairs Sipalan, In February , after the Malaysian Federal Court announced its decision to convict and sentence Anwar for sodomy, the U.

These political issues notwithstanding, the two countries have made steady progress on other policy domains, ranging from defense and security, to counter terrorism and maritime security, and to trade, education, science and technology. The United States has remained one of the largest foreign investors in Malaysia.

The leaders of the two countries have enjoyed a remarkably high level of cordiality, as vividly depicted by Najib's golf outing with Obama in Hawaii in December Comparatively, Malaysia's relations with China are even more complex. Bilateral ties have been shaped not only by vast power asymmetry similar to that of Malaysia-U. Malaysia's relations with China have gone through an even bigger transformation, from mutual hostility during the Cold War to close and cordial partnership in the post-Cold War era Abdul Razak, ;Liow, As a weaker state, Malaysia has-throughout the post-Cold War decadesadopted a pragmatic and seemingly contradictory posture toward China Kuik, a.

On the one hand, it has actively engaged Beijing at both bilateral and regional levels, with the goal of using the increasingly close and cordial partnership to cash in commercial and diplomatic benefits from China's growing economic and regional influence. On the other hand, Malaysia has sought to hedge against the uncertainty surrounding the rise of China, by working with fellow ASEAN members to cultivate a stable balance of power in the region through the ASEAN-led institutions, while simultaneously maintaining-but not overplaying-its traditional military ties with the United States and other Western powers.

Despite their overlapping claims in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, Malaysian leaders from Mahathir onward have repeatedly declared that Putrajaya does not see Beijing as a threat, but as an opportunity.

Mahathir famously described the notion of a "China threat" as nothing more than a selffulfilling prophecy. He said: "Why should we fear China? If you identify a country as your future enemy, it becomes your present enemy-because then they will identify you as an enemy and there will be tension" Asiaweek, Malaysia is one of the few regional countries that have recorded a trade surplus with China in recent years.

Beyond economy, the two countries have also collaborated on a range of regional and international issues, most notably the promotion of East Asian cooperation. The growing convergence in economic and foreign policy domains between Malaysia and China have laid foundation for a progressively closer and productive bilateral relationship. In October , during Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Malaysia, the two countries agreed to elevate bilateral ties to a "comprehensive strategic partnership.

A few months later, however, the relationship was severely tested by two unprecedented events. The first was the reappearance of Chinese military vessels in Beting Serupai James Shoal, 60 nautical miles from the Malaysian town of Bintulu in January , after their first occurrence in March The second was the mysterious disappearance in March of Malaysia Airlines flight MH, two-thirds of whose passengers were Chinese citizens.

The furious reaction in the Chinese media and cyberspace as well as the pressure from the Chinese government caught many Malaysians by surprise. As emotions ran high in China with netizens posting angry comments against Malaysia, certain groups taking to the streets, and some even calling for a boycott of all things Malaysian, many in Malaysia felt rattled.

The backlash came at a time when the two countries were celebrating the 40th anniversary of their diplomatic ties. Although the troubled relations appear to have recovered from a low point after Najib's visit to China from May 27 to June 1, , Malaysia's concern about the downside of living with an increasingly powerful neighbor has deepened Kuik, In June , a cabinet minister reportedly said in an interview that Malaysia would protest the intrusion of a Chinese Coast Guard ship into Beting Patinggi Ali Luconia Shoals , 84 nautical miles northwest of the Malaysian oil-rich town of Miri.

This concern, however, does not seem to stop Malaysia from continuing to develop closer ties with China economically, diplomatically, and even militarily, as discussed below. Malaysia's Evolving Defense Ties With the United States and ChinaAny effort to explain Malaysia's evolving security ties with America and China under Najib Razak amid the enduring ambivalence must trace the structural and domestic conditions underpinning the country's interactions with the two powers since When Najib replaced Abdullah as prime minister in April , Malaysia was confronted with a different domestic and external environment.

Internally, the March general elections severely weakened the ruling BN coalition, when it lost its two-thirds majority control of Parliament, and five of 13 states to the opposition coalition. This took place when Malaysia was struggling to cope with economic difficulties in the wake of the global financial crisis.

The political and economic challenges combined to make performance legitimacy an even more salient pathway of political authority for the United Malay National Organization-led BN coalition. The May general elections, which saw BN returning to power with a reduced majority in the Parliament and losing the popular vote, further deepened this trend.

Structurally, the post environment has witnessed a number of changes. Chief among these are China's rapidly expanding geoeconomic and geopolitical influence, its more assertive behavior over maritime disputes, as well as the Obama administration's "pivot" and "rebalancing" to Asia strategy, as noted. The United States' emerging strategy signals Washington's greater resolve to push back Beijing's growing regional clout by revitalizing its alliances and partnerships in the Indo-Pacific region, by enhancing its involvement in ASEANled forums and other regional multilateral platforms, and by promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership TPP as a high-standard, 21st century trade agreement.

These structural changes-along with Japan's and India's respective enhanced activism toward ASEAN and toward each other-have engendered a growing power competition, thereby presenting both opportunities and challenges to regional countries, Malaysia included. The impacts of these structural and domestic changes are threefold.

First, they have further reinforced the ambivalent nature of Malaysia's perceptions of and relations with each of the two major powers. While Malaysia is increasingly looking upon America as a vital source of security support, it has remained vigilant about the potential political challenges from Washington on issues the UMNO elites regard as internal affairs.

At the same time, while Malaysia is increasingly viewing China as an indispensable source of prosperity and future growth, it has also become more concerned about the longer-term risks from an increasingly powerful Beijing.

This has deepened a less-than-clear-cut perception of risks and benefits: each power is increasingly seen as a source of pivotal support on one domain, but a source of concern on the other. Second, such a deepening, parallel ambivalence, which has been heightened by the growing uncertainty about the future power relations and power structure, have prompted Malaysia to deepen its hedging approach of not taking sides and instead adopting counteracting measures to keep its options open, not least to avoid the scenario of all-bets-are-off.

Third, amid growing uncertainty, Malaysia has developed defense links with both America and China as an essential means for hedging purpose, but with different functions. That is, whereas the long-established Malaysia-U. The move is not only driven by the security need of indirect-balancing, but it is also motivated by domestic economic and political calculations. Besides aiming to maximize trade and investment gains from America, Putrajaya has also hoped to capitalize on the increasingly warm bilateral ties as leverage to reduce Washington's support for the Anwar-led opposition and civil society movements, which have posed a growing challenge to BN after the general elections in March and May These structural and domestic factors have coalesced to push the Najib government to embrace a friendlier posture toward the United States Kuik, b.

Accordingly, Malaysia has taken steps to improve its political relations with Washington, enhance trade and investment links efforts include the decision to enter into the TPP negotiation, which was concluded in October , and strengthen their long-standing military cooperation. Under Najib, there have been more Malaysian security personnel taking part in military programs in America, more U. In the political and diplomatic domain, Putrajaya has selectively collaborated with the United States on issues that the Obama administration is most concerned about and those with little domestic political cost to the prime minister.

These issues range from Iran, North Korea, and Iraq, to nuclear nonproliferation and human trafficking. By cooperating with the Americans on these issues, Putrajaya seeks to showcase its value while giving some measure of deference to the superpower to enhance Malaysia-U.

These are all acts of limitedbandwagoning. In line with Najib's determination to forge closer bilateral ties with the United States, the successive defense ministers Ahmad Zahid Hamidi April May and Hishammuddin Hussein May present have both taken steps to further strengthen Malaysia's defense and security ties with America. Prior to that, Malaysia had insisted that there was "no immediate need" to be an active participant. In January , the then defense minister Najib said that Malaysia's membership in the Five-Power Defence Arrangements "is sufficient to meet our defense needs and strategy in the region" New Straits Times, In June , however, defense minister Zahid Hamidi announced that the U.

In February , Malaysia took part in the exercise for the first time as a full participant. The decision was driven by a desire to strengthen Malaysia's relations with America and raise Malaysia's international prestige, while scoring domestic political mileage by highlighting its active role in helping out a fellow Muslim country. The agreement, which was first signed in under Mahathir and renewed for another 10 years in under Abdullah, provides a framework for the two defense partners to exchange mutual logistic support on supplies, equipment, and transportation during training and exercises.

The two countries also had regular high-level military interaction and dialogue at both bilateral and multilateral contexts. Malaysia has also worked with the United States to expand the U. According to Jane's Defence Weekly, Malaysia is interested in both upgrading the existing radars and obtaining additional radars with different capabilities to provide adequate coverage of Malaysian airspace.

Coastal surveillance, of course, is not the only area in which Malaysia hopes to benefit from its strong defense relations with the United States. At a joint news conference in Kuala Lumpur in , Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel reaffirmed that the United States "is committed to continuing to assist Malaysia's military as it increases its capabilities in areas like humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, peacekeeping, maritime security, and counterterrorism" U.

Department of Defense, a, b. The secretary also stated that he and Minister Hishammuddin had discussed "future areas of cooperation" between the two countries. The specific areas identified were expanding defense trade, technology collaboration, and information sharing U. Hishammuddin's announcement on October 10, that Malaysia plans to set up a marine corps and build a new naval base at Bintulu in the South China Sea is expected to create additional opportunities for Malaysia-U.

Malaysia-China Ties: Drivers and Direction of Defense CooperationIn the case of Malaysia-China relations, Najib-a son of Tun Abdul Razak, Malaysia's second prime minister who established diplomatic relations with China in has pursued a policy that is marked by increased pragmatism in all key domains. This is evidenced by Putrajaya's greater readiness to collaborate with Beijing in the economic, transnational security, and even defense domains, despite Malaysian defense planners' growing concerns over China's increasing assertiveness in the South China Sea.

This pragmatism is chiefly rooted in the BN elites' desire to further enhance overall bilateral ties and, accordingly, to further maximize commercial and diplomatic benefits from China. This is not purely an economic or foreign policy matter, but is also an issue of crucial political significance for Najib.

To regain political ground for BN, Najib has adopted measures aimed at enhancing his government's performance in ensuring and delivering economic growth, alongside other pathways of legitimation. BN's weakened position after the cliffhanger May elections has further increased the salience of performance legitimation for Najib. In this light, maximizing economic benefits from China and other major markets is deemed a crucial domestic political matter.

China has emerged as Malaysia's largest trading partner since as noted. Under Najib, Malaysia has not only sought to strengthen the already robust bilateral trade, but it has also taken steps to enhance bilateral investment and financial cooperation. These include: creating industrial parks in Qinzhou and Kuantan, setting up a Bank Negara Malaysia the central bank representative office in Beijing, creating a yuan clearing bank in Kuala Lumpur, as well as establishing a bilateral currency swap deal for RM90 billion in and renewing the arrangement for a further term of three years first in and then in April Although China's current outbound direct investment ODI into Malaysia remains low, Malaysia clearly is eyeing the longer-term investment benefits that could help fuel the country's future economic growth.

Malaysia is also keen to boost Chinese tourist arrivals New Straits Times, In June , the Malaysian cabinet decided to grant a visa waiver for Chinese tour groups to compete with other neighboring countries in attracting more Chinese travelers to Malaysia.

The BN elites' economic cum domestic political motivations, however, are not the only drivers of Malaysia's move to develop cooperative and comprehensive ties with China. There are geopolitical and strategic considerations at work as well. As a weaker state, Malaysia's perceptions and policies toward China have always been shaped by long-term geopolitical considerations. The twin realities of geographical proximity and power asymmetry-compounded by the elites' historical memory of Malacca-China interaction and the Malaysia-China Cold War hostility-have a deep impact on the elites' belief that China could be both a boon and a bane to Malaysia's external interests Kuik, a.

It is for this combination of economic, political, and geostrategic considerations that Malaysia's China policy has been characterized not only by economic pragmatism, but also by binding-engagement and limited-bandwagoning. Indeed, Malaysia has since the early s exhibited a noticeable readiness to recognize, accommodate, and whenever possible, capitalize and cash in on China's growing power, but without sacrificing its own fundamental interests.

For instance, Malaysia has demonstrated a tendency to defer to China, primarily on issues Beijing regards as its "core interests," such as Taiwan, Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong recent examples include Putrajaya's deportation of ethnic Uighurs to China and its decision to bar two Hong Kong pro-democracy activists from entering Malaysia.

In addition, Malaysia has also collaborated with China on selective issues that serve its own foreign policy interests. These dual acts of selective deference and selective policy collaboration-the defining elements of limited-bandwagoning-indicate that Malaysian elites have increasingly come to view the rise of China as a long-term geoeconomic and geopolitical force that Malaysia must adapt to and benefit from.

China's growing influence after the global financial crisis seems to have reinforced such a view.

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Chinese military vessels in Beting Serupai (James Shoal, 60 nautical miles from not least to avoid the scenario of all-bets-are-off. Third, amid growing Security Command” (ESSCOM) and the ESSZONE (Eastern Sabah Security Zone) Beting Patinggi Ali incidents); and it would have reacted accordingly by embrac-. Command's (PACOM's) area of operations; the US–India partnership is article analyzes how the Beting Serupai incidents have impacted Malaysia's evolving bets toward China: on the one hand, it has undertaken measures to increase. alliance's military command arrangements and the relationship between. Korean and American Sino-American tensions after the EP-3 incident of April that year of political and business leaders is placing its bets now on what is nearly universally PLAN flotilla arrived at James Shoal (Beting Serupai) and conducted an.